All employees --leisure and hospitality-- (in thousands): 2015 - 2019, from 185.2 in 2015 to 207.7 in 2019. Around here covid hits and by December of 2020 that number is just 126.8. Perhaps this is the time when having a higher minimum wage should have the most negative impact on employment. But the latest provisional numbers for December 2023 are already at 198.3.
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Obviously I'm not an expert, and this is the first time I've looked at these numbers. I'm making a lot of assumptions here. For example, not all employees included in the figures are minimum wage workers, but I'm assuming the majority are. Also, the data include Seattle, Tacoma and Bellevue, all of which have seen an increased minimum wage, but Seattle's has been the greatest. This is fairly zoomed out and may be hiding losses. There are bound to be many hidden consequences, and given my ignorance these jobs may not even be in the ballpark of reliable metrics for measuring the effects of higher minimum wages.
--anyway, just starting to go through this piece for fun:
https://www.hoover.org/research/economi ... bert-reichThe real differences between progressives like Reich and classical liberals like myself come then not in the proposition that markets depend in multiple ways on public support. Rather, the disagreement is over the means chosen to generate social improvements. It is here that Reich repeatedly misfires. In dealing with property rights, it’s nice that Reich comes out against slavery—but it is troublesome how he dismisses the right of all persons to determine what job offers to accept for work in the open market. The issue comes to center stage on the question of the minimum wage, where Reich takes the sunny view that the huge increase of the minimum wage to $15 per hour from its current level of $7.25 will largely be a transfer of wealth from rich CEOs and their shareholders to workers, who can use the money in question to get off of public assistance.
Dream on! Reich is in serious denial when he assumes that hard pressed firms in competitive markets won’t make serious changes in how they do business when labor costs move sharply higher. If the minimum wage shoots up, it will start to make more economic sense for these firms to replace low-skilled labor with machines and technologies that can do the same work. The employees that do remain will be, by and large, more skilled, shutting out the poor further. For example, Reich never considers the exceedingly high levels of unemployment among minority teenagers, whom regulation has shut out of the labor market.
The unintended consequences of regulations count. The early returns on the minimum wage increases in Seattle are a loss of 1,000 restaurant jobs in the city compared to an increase of 2,300 restaurant jobs in the rest of the state. And this is only for the first round of minimum wage increases. It is unlikely that Reich knows more about the restaurant business than the businesses themselves who will likely turn to customer self-order kiosks and other adjustments to offset rising labor costs. It is just foolish to project that the relatively small declines in employment levels from small increases in minimum wages will carry over when they increase the wedge between the market and the minimum wage.